Fulfilling the journalistic principles of truth and objectivity in the context of mediatisation of political communication – the terrorist attacks in Paris in November 2015

The mediatisation of political communication indicates two main functions of the mass media: they report on events from the world of politics and create the images of political actors in the eyes of the public. I attempt to answer the question: can one talk about respecting the basic principles of journalistic ethics (the truth and the objectivity principles) in the times of the mediatisation of the public sphere? The theme of the article applies to terrorism, which is a form of political communication, having its own special expression. The activities of terrorist organisations influence the actions of the leaders of political life, citizens and the mass media. The research material consisted of Polish opinion-making weeklies Newsweek Polska and Polityka and national dailies in their printed versions: Gazeta Wyborcza and Rzeczpospolita. The time frame covered a period from 1 November 2015 to 11 December 2015. The topic of the article was treated as a case study

VERBAL WARFARE IN THE POLISH MEDIA: AN ANALYSIS OF CONCEPTUAL METAPHORS IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE

The outcome of the analyses of spoken and written data reveals that political, social and economic antagonisms are well fed by language which highlights dichotomies and depicts ‘the others’ as the source of all evil. The metaphorical language largely follows the patterns investigated and described by Lakoff, providing a wealth of material to support the claim that ARGUMENT IS WAR. In the light of the collected data, multiple ‘wars’ are in progress successfully generating language of conflict

Wyjście z kryzysu – proces stabilizacji oraz odbudowa państwa afgańskiego

Afghanistan is one of the most unstable countries in the world. The process of reconstruction began in 2001 when Taliban regime was defeated. It is difficult to stabilize situation in Afghanistan. Stabilization requires the help from an international community, especially the European Union, the ISAF and the United States of America. The support is mostly financial and material. However, there are many problems such as production and smuggling of drugs. Another problem is also Afghans’ huge poverty. These factors influence the completion of tasks negatively

WOJNA W IRAKU W ŚWIETLE DOKTRYNY BUSHA

The article presents changes in American foreign policy after 11th 2001 and is concerned the George W. Bush’s Middle East policy. The goal of the text is presenting how the Bush doctrine leaded to war in Iraq. After the short introduction about US Middle East policy the text explains fundamental parts of doctrine and describes the most important G. W. Bush speeches and National Security Strategies from 2002 and 2006. This part is dedicated on war on terror, axis of evil and preventive war. The next part try to identify actual and the official and publically stated causes the 2003 invasion of Iraq.  The article ends with the analysis the cost of Iraq war

Uwagi dotyczące wyrażenia WOJNA PODJAZDOWA

The word combination guerrilla war has a terminological meaning ‘war, during which the weaker side uses the tactics of avoiding general battles and combats unexpected enemy attacks with the help of small military units or partisans’. The combination guerrilla war is associated by users of common language primarily with semantic elements such as ‘a scope of insidious, hidden and difficult to predict, tiring opponent actions’. In the modern texts, the term guerrilla war can undergo a metaphorisation process – it is a determinologisation of multiword expression of military terms. In the figurative sense of the verbal connection guerrilla war there are characterised semantic elements as ‘set of insidious actions, hidden, difficult to predict, directed against to someone or to something, to achieve something, teasing the opposite side, her fatigue, limiting its influence’. In some texts determinologisation signals were presented – a change of component pattern, clauses appeared, which indicates metaphorisation of compound, for example: tax guerrilla war, office guerrilla war. The texts which reported metaphored military term guerrilla war featured the following metaphors: POLITICS is a WAR, ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE is a WAR, DIFFERENT, SPECIAL ACTIVITIES and FORMS OF COMPETITION is a WAR.Związek wyrazowy „wojna podjazdowa” ma terminologiczne znaczenie ‘wojna, w czasie której strona słabsza stosuje taktykę unikania generalnych bitew i zwalcza przeciwnika niespodziewanymi napadami przy pomocy niewielkich oddziałów wojskowych lub partyzanckich’. Z połączeniem „wojna podjazdowa” użytkownikom języka potocznego kojarzą się przede wszystkim elementy semantyczne ‘zespół podstępnych, skrytych, trudno przewidywalnych, męczących dla przeciwnika działań’. We współczesnych tekstach termin „wojna podjazdowa” może ulegać metaforyzacji – następuje determinologizacja wielowyrazowego terminu wojskowego. W przenośnym znaczeniu związku wyrazowego „wojna podjazdowa” wyróżniają się elementy semantyczne ‘zespół działań podstępnych, skrytych, trudno przewidywalnych, wymierzonych przeciwko komuś, czemuś, mających na celu osiągnięcie czegoś, dokuczenie stronie przeciwnej, zmęczenie jej, ograniczenie jej wpływów’. W niektórych zaprezentowanych tekstach wystąpiły sygnały determinologizacji – nastąpiła zmiana szyku komponentów, pojawiły się człony sygnalizujące metaforyzację związku, np. „podatkowa wojna podjazdowa”, „biurowa wojna podjazdowa”. W tekstach, w których odnotowano zmetaforyzowany termin wojskowy „wojna podjazdowa”, ujawniły się metafory: POLITYKA to WOJNA, DZIAŁANIA EKONOMICZNE to WOJNA, RÓŻNE DZIAŁANIA CELOWE, FORMY RYWALIZACJI to WOJNA

Kreowanie dyskursu publicznego w Polsce – rola mediów krytycznych wobec Prawa i Sprawiedliwości

The aim of the article is to solve the problem, whether the media is responsible for the decline in the quality of a public debate. The comparison of media transmission has led to the conclusion that media was especially critically oriented towards PiS what brought about its politicization. The idea of Marcin Król is used in order to describe the reasons of media manipulation. The measure that could lead to the end of such conflicts has been suggested. That is deliberative democracy

Activities of the cabinet of Leopold Skulski on the basis of the minutes of the Council of Ministers’ Meetings (13th December 1919 – 9th June 1920) and the role of the government in the period of preparations for the Kiev offensive

The government of Leopold Skulski had been active under the pressure of war preparation but was mainly occupied by internal issues. Foreign policy was under the control of the country’s leader, Marshal J. Piłsudski. The cabinet of Leopold Skulski had little roomfor maneuver, the expenses connected with the war campaign represented 60% of the country’s total budget. Even though war orders had a very positive influence on industrial and agricultural output growth, the bulk of that output had been absorbed by the army, which automatically created problems in the open market. Similarly, the country’s foreign trade balance was significantly overloaded by the burden of military expenditure with inflation providing a source of solid revenue income for covering war expenses. The Skulski government tried to stabilize the internal balance; on 1 April 1920 it unified the various state treasury and taxation systems and on 29 April, it unified the country’s five currencies into a single currency. On 1 June, a unified railway tariff covering the whole country was introduced. During the activity of this government, parliament had to agree an eight hour working day and a 46 hour working week for the workers, as well as providing them with a social security system.Uniwersytet Wrocławsk

Colonialism – Decolonization – Postcolonialism. Considerations about the nature and periodization

Trudno przecenić znaczenie epoki kolonialnej dla dziejów świata. W ostatnich latach obserwujemy wręcz lawinowy wzrost publikacji już nie tylko o kolonializmie ale przede wszystkim o postkolonializmie. Głos zabierają filolodzy, kulturoznawcy, historycy, socjolodzy i politolodzy, prawnicy, ekonomiści a nawet medycy i psycholodzy, co często wprowadza chaos i różne rozumienie wielu wydawałoby się oczywistych pojęć. To wszystko wymaga uporządkowania. Celem artykułu jest zdefiniowanie podstawowych kategorii takich jak kolonializm i dekolonizacja, neokolonializm i postkolonializm, zakreślenie ich granic terytorialnych i chronologicznych. To swego rodzaju próba wyjaśnienia dyskusji, pisana przez historyka i politologa, a więc z perspektywy człowieka zajmującego się dziejami kolonializmu. W artykule przedstawiono rozważania dotyczące definicji i zakresu pojęcia kolonializm, jego rozwój w XIX i pierwszej połowie XX wieku – od genezy poprzez ekspansję państw europejskich aż do jego kryzysu, którego początki widzieć powinniśmy już w latach I wojny światowej i wreszcie jego rozpadu po II wojnie światowej. Następnie omówiono pojęcie dekolonizacji, czynniki przyśpieszające dekolonizację oraz nowe propozycje periodyzacyjne. Ostatnia część artykułu to rozważania na temat postkolonializmu, a więc nowej refleksji nad kolonializmem a przede wszystkim nad jego konsekwencjami i pozostałościami we współczesnym świecie. Coraz częściej bowiem nie ograniczano się tylko do historii kolonializmu i dekolonizacji. Podkreślano, że istnieją różne rodzaje podporządkowania, a nowe ujęcie powinno dotyczyć historii i perspektyw wszystkich grup podporządkowanych np. ludzi zmarginalizowanych (klas niższych, kobiet, mniejszości narodowych i seksualnych itp.). W tym sensie kolonializm trwa nadal i stąd być może ten wzrost zainteresowania i aktualność problematyki, która jeszcze niedawno wydawała się kategorią już tylko historyczną.The importance of the colonial era in world history can hardly be exaggerated. In recent years, we have seen a rapid growth of publications dedicated to colonialism and, primarily, to postcolonialism. Some philologists, cultural studies theorists, historians, sociologists and political scientists, lawyers, economists and even physicians and psychologists have spoken on these issues. This results in terminological chaos and different interpretations of many seemingly obvious concepts, calling for some order to be introduced. The aim of this paper is to define basic categories, such as colonialism and decolonization, neo-colonialism and postcolonialism, as well as to indicate their territorial and chronological boundaries. This is an attempt to explain the matters written from the perspective of a scholar dealing with the history of colonialism, that is a historian and political scientist combined. The paper presents considerations with regard to the definition, scope and concept of colonialism, its development in the 19th and the first half of the 20th centuries – from its genesis, through the expansion of European states, until its crisis, which started in the early years of World War I and, finally, to its collapse after World War II. Next, the concept of decolonization is touched upon along the factors accelerating the decolonization process. New proposals of periodization also come into view. The final part of the paper mulls over postcolonialism and, by this token, reflects on colonialism and, first and foremost, on its aftermath and remnants in the modern world. Increasingly nowadays, studies are not restricted only to the history of colonialism and decolonization, and it is emphasized that there are different types of subordination. Therefore, a new approach should cover the history and perspectives of all the subsidiary groups, such as marginalized people (that includes women, lower social classes, national and sexual minorities, etc.). In this sense, colonialism still exists, and perhaps this is the reason for the increased academic interest in issues which seemed not long ago to be merely a historical category